Suchergebnisse

Presents the findings of a research project, carried out at the International Institute for Labour Studies from 2003 to 2005, designed to better understand how civil society organizations, working within participatory governance structures, may contribute to the goals of the ILO Decent Work agenda. Based on the South African experience, focuses on three areas relevant to the decent work agenda: employment creation and poverty alleviation, health care and HIV-AIDS, and child labour, and examines the participatory processes set up at the national level in order to formulate and implement policie

On 16 September 2004, Romania filed an Application instituting proceedings against Ukraine in respect of a dispute concerning "the establishment of a single maritime boundary between the two States in the Black Sea", thereby delimiting the continental shelf and the exclusive economic zones appertaining to them. Five years later, on 3 February 2009 the International Court of Justice (ICJ), issued a decisive decision on the simultaneous delimitation of the Continental Shelter and the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) between Ukraine and Romania, ending a long going dispute. In the case concerning Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea between Romania and Ukraine the ICJ has delimited the sea borders of the two countries, mainly by using the middle line method, a delimitation method which is supported by Greece. The judgment of the Court directly affects the dispute between Greece and Turkey concerning the delimitation of the continental shelf and EEZ between both States. The reason is that there are many similarities but still many differences between the two disputes. The Court concluded that only the presence of Serpents Island required a minor adjustment of the provisional equidistance line. The result was that Romania won 79,3% of the disputed sea area. Also, the ICJ didn't take into account at all the Black Sea as a closed or semi-enclosed sea. This is a positive aspect for Greece, as Turkey's position is to insist that the Aegean Sea is a closed or semi-enclosed sea. The aim of this paper is to analyze how the ICJ sea border delimitation case of Ukraine-Romania affects the Greece-Turkey dispute in the Aegean in terms of a potential political solution.

European immigration policy as a multilevel and polymorphic process, by definition, constitutes a complex phenomenon defined as a transcendent set of socio-economic and political processes that are considered to transform the present transnational treaty into a construct of multiple policies to be found between member states. Recently, it is accounted as a complex network of supranational interconnection in both economic and sociological terms to combat various refugee crises. This paper aims to address the inner dialogue regarding the Dublin contribution among others updated immigration policies, especially regarding the Greek and Turkish case, within the updated political turmoil to deal with. Therefore, it is crucial not to overlook the multicultural dimension as one of the most critical factors in understanding the political structure within developing the indicative path of socio-political relationship between member states, thus of variable factors to deal with, such as immigration, extremism etc. The consequences and extensions of this complex structure have already outlined a historical moment on a global or even humanistic scale. Member states are called to renegotiate their understanding of space, time, human rights either in an international or supranational environment; however, by confronting the vulnerability of modern democracies in a world of risks caused by democratic deficit; the lack of challenging with the dilemmas and responsibilities on a pan-European political perspective on immigration issues, indeed with respect on democratic terms. This paper will emphasize (on) which of existing policies and initiatives should be implemented to achieve common ground to overcome the multiple crises and will examine the particular role of Greece and Turkey on immigration and refugee issues, thus is of significance in developing an interdisciplinary dialogue that may contribute to the re-examination of the member states role within the contribution of the institutional and legal framework, in a new world of potential risks by rethinking the EU policies and why the "know how" should work.

Immigration and refugee flows in the Eastern Mediterranean migration path have been increased the last two decades, a fact that created the need for coordinated political reaction from the EU, which now faces new challenges because of the Covid-19 pandemic. This article analyses the new challenges Covid-19 creates by focusing on the "lesson learned" of previous pandemics and their effect on mankind and also on the necessity of a common European policy both in the fields of immigration policy and foreign policy towards the stabilization in the Eastern Mediterranean, mainly by focusing on the role of Greece and Turkey.

This article provides an empirically grounded critique of Participatory-Deliberative Public Administration, based on an in-depth study of three participatory fora in South Africa: the National Economic Development and Labour Council, the Child Labour Intersectoral Group and the South African National AIDS Council. Drawing freely on Habermas' Between Facts and Norms, the article argues that coordination through deliberation is unlikely to occur in formal settings, where discourses are mostly about the accommodation of existing interests, and is more likely to be found in the informal public sphere, where the preferences of citizens are still malleable and where it is possible for civil society groups to build communicative power by articulating moral arguments that motivate and mobilize the public. This form of power can then be used by civil society groups to counterbalance other forms of (non-communicative) power that impinge on the formal decision-making sphere. Adapted from the source document.

ResumenLas federaciones sindicales internacionales y las empresas multinacionales están concluyendo acuerdos marco internacionales para proteger sus intereses en el entorno económico de la globalización. Los autores modelizan las negociaciones al respecto y muestran que puede esperarse la conclusión de estos acuerdos cuando ambas partes son reacias al riesgo, pero el acuerdo favorecerá a la que menos lo sea. Como la globalización ha afectado más a los sindicatos que a las empresas, los acuerdos marco hasta ahora firmados ofrecen mínimas ventajas a los trabajadores; ello debería cambiar gracias a las capacidades sindicales transnacionales reforzadas y a la posibilidad de atacar la imagen de las EMN, lo cual igualará las actitudes frente al riesgo.

RésuméFace à la mondialisation, les fédérations syndicales internationales et les entreprises multinationales ont cherché à protéger leurs intérêts par des «accords‐cadres internationaux», ou ACI. En modélisant les processus de négociation sous‐jacents, les auteurs montrent que ces accords n'aboutissent que si les deux partenaires présentent une aversion pour le risque et qu'ils tendent à favoriser celle des parties chez qui cette aversion est moins prononcée, les multinationales en l'occurrence, aux dépens des travailleurs. Les choses pourraient évoluer cependant si les syndicats parviennent, par une action transnationale, à déstabiliser les multinationales en menaçant leur réputation, rapprochant le niveau d'aversion pour le risque des deux interlocuteurs.